The special election in Massachusetts has highlighted the vast disconnect between commentators on the right and the left about what President Barack Obama stands for. To libertarians like Glenn Beck and conservatives like Sean Hannity, Obama is either a Marxist or confirmed radical, who has sought to put over an overt socialist or even communist agenda. But to proud leftists like the editors and writers for the Nation, he is, as Gary Younge puts it, a candidate 鈥渨ho never claimed he was a radical,鈥� but who offered the left only 鈥渉ope and inspiration.鈥� He was a progressive candidate, which Younge argues 鈥渋s not the same as his actually being progressive.鈥� Take that, Glenn Beck!
The same refrain comes from Nation editor Katrina Vanden Heuvel and left-wing activist leader Robert L. Borosage. Obama in his first year, they write, did not create the 鈥渢ransformational presidency鈥� some thought he promised; instead, he gave in to the big banks, big pharmaceuticals and the corporate world as a whole. Indeed, their side learned a hard lesson: 鈥淥bama is not the Messiah.鈥� Some of us might have told them that a year ago, when to all indications, the entire left viewed Obama the candidate in just such a fashion. But Vanden Heuvel and Borosage, like their colleague Younge, note that Obama 鈥渉as never been a movement progressive the way Reagan was a movement conservative.鈥� Thus he has ceded the 鈥渢errain to the legions of the old order that are mobilized to fend off real reform.鈥�
Their editorial statement, written before the election, indicates that they were probably not too surprised at the election results, although their compatriots immediately would join in spinning it in a way that allows them to try and save face. Seeing Obama as a failure who raised hopes only to smash them when president, their argument essentially is that it was their fault not to create the mass movement that might have pushed Obama to really enact their socialist (i.e., 鈥減rogressive鈥�) agenda, and to let the right-wing populists of the tea party movement usurp the frustration of the people.
So what are these self-proclaimed 鈥減rogressives鈥� saying about the meaning of Scott Brown鈥檚 victory? Are they going to learn the lesson that Bill Clinton learned early in his administration? Clinton learned that to get something done he had to listen to the electorate and move to the center/right. Rather than forge ahead with a highly unpopular attempt to create universal health care, he had to stand for programs that had bi-partisan support and that were opposed by the left. As we know, it was with Republican backing that Clinton got NAFTA through and initiated welfare reform, much to the consternation of that era鈥檚 leftists.
If the president listens to his supporters, he will not, and will surge forward in the same car that is about ready to go over the cliff in next November鈥檚 election. Take the advice of E.J. Dionne, who at one time was the most sensible and nuanced of liberal commentators. Now, Dionne argues that the failure was not Obama鈥檚, but that of the Republicans who refused to support programs they had valid reasons to oppose. If Obama engaged in secret 鈥渋nside deal-making,鈥� , it was the opposition鈥檚 fault. The administration鈥檚 secret measures alienated Obama鈥檚 own base, who 鈥渂elieved in his promises of transformation鈥� as well as the center that liked the president鈥檚 鈥渃onciliatory鈥� style.
If only the Republicans backed a bill that would have greatly increased the deficit, resulted in new high premiums for insurance and higher taxes, then all would have been well. But they didn鈥檛, and hence, Obama had to make deals for no lower priced drugs and create a program that was a windfall for the insurance companies. So, Dionne says, moderates 鈥渟aw expanding deficits and high unemployment,鈥� which opened the electorate to accept a 鈥淩epublican story that linked the two and blamed the Democrats.鈥� Does Dionne really think there is no connection?
What he proposes is not a bipartisan approach that could lead both sides to agree upon the kind of reform that ends inequities most all Americans know need changing. Instead, Dionne seems to favor an overhaul that is so far-reaching the country at large has let Obama know it does not support it. He calls it nothing but a 鈥減olitical crime鈥� to do anything but forge ahead and get the legislation through. The Brown victory was due to Coakley鈥檚 鈥減oorly run campaign鈥� and Obama鈥檚 failure to 鈥渃ome out fighting鈥� for meaningful far reaching measures.
Dionne ignores the obvious: that the very independents and swing voters who supported and voted for Obama in 2008 are deserting him in droves. Politico accurately how suburban union members who were independents followed their New Jersey and Virginia counterparts in overwhelmingly supporting the Republican candidates. Brown had a 5 percentage point victory in a state in which only 12 percent of voters are Republicans. As they conclude, this happened 鈥渂ecause centrists fled into the arms of the GOP.鈥� And interviews with these voters showed that the Democrats made a major mistake focusing on health care when voters see the loss of jobs as their primary concern. Moreover, they do not like an all Democratic Congress, and want some political diversity that stirs the pot up.
Moreover, the very independents who are dismayed are the group that used to be the key Democratic base: 鈥渨hite, middle-class, middle-aged suburban ticket-splitters.鈥� If you recall the time during the campaign when Hillary Clinton was surging ahead in the contested swing-votes states, it was precisely these groups that were alienated from candidate Obama and who were casting their votes for her. But once the economy crashed and the Obama boom began, her support evaporated. Yet a little over one year in office, Obama has found that this was a temporary shift, and the alienation of this group from his policies is again apparent.
Yet Obama鈥檚 other columnist supporters persist in not taking reality into account. In his New Yorker , editor Hendrik Hertzberg writes that Obama can be faulted because he 鈥渁llowed the right to profit handsomely from the economic disaster that their policies . . . brought about.鈥� In other words, as Obama himself obviously thinks, 鈥渋t鈥檚 all Bush鈥檚 fault.鈥� Thus what the liberals and the House have to do is not listen to the electorate 鈥� who obviously misunderstood their own real interests and voted incorrectly 鈥� but tighten their 鈥渟tomach muscles, pass the Senate version of the health-care bill A.S.A.P., and move on to jobs and the economy.鈥� If they don鈥檛, and do nothing, it will be a 鈥渇ailure that would reverberate for a generation.鈥�
As for the failure to do what was necessary, administration policy had absolutely nothing to do with it; it was all the fault of 鈥渁n essentially nihilistic opposition party dominated by a pro-torture, anti-intellectual, anti-public-spirited, xenophobic 鈥榗onservative鈥� movement; and a rightist propaganda apparatus.鈥� In other words, the masses watch Fox News and don鈥檛 read The New Yorker, in which each week Rick Hertzberg would instruct them how to vote and whom to support. Clearly, to Hertzberg, the people 鈥� especially in liberal Democratic Massachusetts 鈥� have lost the ability to think for themselves, and have succumbed to what liberals keep calling the 鈥渞ight-wing echo chamber.鈥� I guess even if they are watching Fox News, he does not seem to realize that they can easily switch their remote and turn it to Keith Olbermann on MSNBC. But somehow they are too stupid, and were bamboozled to vote for Scott Brown, instead of voting the way they had in November of 2008.
On the site of The New York Review of Books, author Garry Wills joins Hertzberg in a similar torrent of The reason for Obama鈥檚 growing low polling points, Wills argues, is not policy. It鈥檚 Obama鈥檚 personality! He appeared during the campaign as a uniter, a mild mannered and non threatening black man who didn鈥檛 look or sound like Al Sharpton. Harry Reid, he notes, was 鈥渂asically right鈥� in his much derided recent comments. Wills argues that Obama 鈥渟wallowed his own Kool-Aid,鈥� acting as if he believed he actually was living in what 鈥渞eally was a post-racial, post-partisan, post-red-state-blue-state America.鈥�
Thus he failed to fight for what he obviously believed in: the public option, or as he promised in the campaign, a single-payer system. Obama should have taken the offensive and sold that as the only real solution, rejecting 鈥渓ess effective compromises.鈥� He should have attacked the Blue Dog Democrats and put them on the defensive and not try to appease them. Wills would have preferred a fighting, radical Obama 鈥� not one who posed as something he was not. And worse than all of the above, Obama kept on Bush people and authorized 鈥渁 new dumb war鈥� in place of the old one.
No wonder the new issue of Newsweek features a major by David Margolick called 鈥淭he Neo-Cons Are Back,鈥� in which the author essentially says that they now run Obama鈥檚 foreign policy, and are the people who advise Generals Petraeus and McChrystal. Even Jacob Heilbrunn of the Nixon Center, who wrote a book claiming that the neo-con moment was over and they were in a state of permanent decline, now tells Margolick that 鈥渢hey are winning鈥� and that Obama is 鈥渃atering to them.鈥�
So Obama is so weak that he lets himself be run by the hated Jewish Trotskyist cabal, even though so many conservatives persist in seeing him as a stealth Marxist. He should be a real fighter, Gary Wills says, like Teddy Roosevelt busting the trusts, FDR welcoming the attacks of the Old Right, and Truman 鈥済iving them hell鈥� when he took over the so-called 鈥渄o-nothing鈥� 80th Congress. Doesn鈥檛 he know the hated George W. Bush was applauded when he showed himself to be a fighter?
Hmm 鈥� somehow, I can鈥檛 remember Wills and others applauding him, except when they branded him the worst president ever, if that can be seen as applause.
No one summed up the left鈥檚 advice better than Katrina Vanden Heuvel, in her post-election A wake-up call is not the one suggested by Evan Bayh, who called for moderation and moving to the center. Rather, Vanden Heuvel argues, Obama has to go 鈥減opulist,鈥� which is both 鈥渟mart politics and good policy.鈥� In other words, fight hard for a really left-wing program, get rid of his old economic team which led to the tea parties and right-wing populism, and mobilize his old base.
Nothing like calling out the ACORN troops en masse, rather than 鈥渄emobilize鈥� his own base and suffer another Massachusetts. Let鈥檚 not reach out to Republicans, or Blue Dog Democrats. Instead, Obama must fight for a strong and radical health care bill 鈥� one that the people (substitute Nation readers for the people) really want and need. Then we can not only have true health care and universal coverage, but financial regulation and, of course, 鈥渆mployee free choice,鈥� or as others more honestly call it, forced unionization of non-union workers by ending free elections in contests for union recognition. 鈥淧resident Obama,鈥� she writes, 鈥渄on鈥檛 pay attention to those who counsel going slow.鈥�
I say. Take her advice President Obama. The Republicans won鈥檛 be content with nothing but taking over both houses of Congress and eventually the White House. Go over the cliff and hand it to them. Or, if you really are smart, perhaps you should beware taking the advice of your left-wing friends.