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Commentary
National Review

China Now Threatens Religious Freedom in Hong Kong

Nina Shea
Nina Shea
Senior Fellow and Director, Center for Religious Freedom
Bishop Stephen Chow waves to church members at the Episcopal Ordination of the Most Reverend Stephen Chow in Hong Kongs Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception on December 4, 2021. (Photo by Bertha Wang/AFP via Getty Images)
Caption
Bishop Stephen Chow waves to church members at the Episcopal Ordination of the Most Reverend Stephen Chow in Hong Kongs Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception on December 4, 2021. (Photo by Bertha Wang/AFP via Getty Images)

At Beijing鈥檚 insistence last October, Hong Kong鈥檚 Bishop-elect Stephen Chow and 15 senior Catholic priests met with the mainland鈥檚 state-controlled Chinese Patriotic Catholic Association. As the government watched on Zoom, the Hong Kongers were lectured on the fine points of President Xi鈥檚 religious policy of 鈥淪inicization.鈥� While no directives were issued, priests knowledgeable about the unprecedented conclave that 鈥淴i was the elephant in the room鈥� and saw that this was 鈥渏ust the first step鈥� in what the CCP calls their 鈥渞eeducation.鈥� The clear takeaway was that Hong Kong鈥檚 churches, historically independent of the CCP, are having their wings clipped.

Sinicization is a strategy to absorb China鈥檚 religious communities into the party鈥檚 United Front, to help the CCP indoctrinate, surveil, and ensure ideological conformity. Since 2018, Sinicization regulations have restricted mainland churches in their preaching and practice of Christian teachings that are not authorized by the atheistic CCP. Moreover, they require them to actively support the party leadership and promote 鈥渧alues of socialism鈥� and Xi鈥檚 thought in sermons and 鈥渓earning sessions.鈥�

In December, officials to double down in their effort to 鈥渞ally鈥� the 鈥渧ast鈥� number of 鈥渞eligious believers around the Party and government,鈥� according to Xinhua, the official news agency of the Chinese government. Standing in their way has been Hong Kong, an oasis of learning, information, training, and conferencing for all Chinese Christianity. Chinese Christians would go to the semi-autonomous territory to study theology and attend conferences, and Hong Kong clergy visited them to help in clergy formation. Since the 2018 religious restrictions on the mainland, the churches have had to turn to online meeting platforms. This month, new cyber laws ban this too, unless the meetings are specifically licensed by Beijing.

On the mainland, the registration of Christian priests and pastors, managed by branches of so-called patriotic religious associations and other oversight bodies, has been key to CCP efforts to control both Catholic and Protestant churches since the 1950s. To create a similar bureaucratic infrastructure in Hong Kong, Legislative Council member Peter Koon, an Anglican priest, is now advocating a new religious-affairs bureau. Hong Kong鈥檚 chief executive, Carrie Lam, a Catholic, floated the idea herself in the campaign for the 2017 election.

Reverend L, a visitor from Hong Kong who requests anonymity, is a keen observer of church developments at home. In an email to me, he stresses the implications of registration. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not like you just sign up and then that鈥檚 it,鈥� he writes. 鈥淩egistration means, the cleric submits to never ending CCP surveillance and reeducation to learn about Christianity according to the CCP.鈥� Resisters are targeted with incarceration for reeducation and punishment. For example, earlier this year, Pastor Hao Zhiwei, a woman leader of an unregistered house church in Hubei, was sentenced to eight years鈥� imprisonment. Since May, Bishop Joseph Zhang of the Catholic Diocese of Xinxiang in Henan Province has been detained without due process in a secret (or 鈥渂lack鈥�) jail.

Independent Christian schools, which are banned on the mainland, present problems for the CCP in Hong Kong. The government reports that 60 percent of K鈥�12 schools there are run by churches, though Christians constitute only 15 percent of its population. In addition to their religious curriculum, the schools have a culture that conflicts with the CCP鈥檚. Reverend L, a graduate of one, writes that 鈥渢hey have instilled the ideals of academic freedom, human dignity, and democracy in generations of Hong Kongers.鈥�

Bishop Chow, who headed a Jesuit boys鈥� school there, earned his doctorate of education at Harvard and wrote his dissertation on the 鈥渕oral culture鈥� in Hong Kong鈥檚 schools. 鈥淚 find it unacceptable for human dignity to be ignored, trampled upon, or eliminated entirely,鈥� he with the website Mondo e Missione in February. While acknowledging that the 鈥渕ain job鈥� of the schools was 鈥渢o protect students,鈥� he hoped that they could 鈥渄evelop independent thinking, and not just within a pre-established framework.鈥�

Such educational approaches are anathema to the CCP. In January, it issued directives to place party cells within on the mainland, despite the CCP鈥檚 seven decades of control over them. A pseudonymous reporter in the online magazine describes the party鈥檚 perspective: 鈥淪ome still believe that students are educated to find a good job. This opinion should be corrected: students are educated 鈥榝or the Party and for the Country.鈥欌� According to the directives, the cells will, in addition to cultivating 鈥渓ove for the party,鈥� run the schools, be 鈥渟trong fighting fortresses鈥� of CCP ideology, and 鈥渄eeply integrate the . . . inheritance of red genes into school education.鈥�

Hong Kong鈥檚 Christian schools don鈥檛 just lack for party fervor. Many of their students have protested against the CCP. Protest leader Joshua Wong and former legislator Martin Lee, Hong Kong鈥檚 鈥渇ather of democracy,鈥� both convicted for political activism, are Christian-school alumni. In January, _Ta Kung Pao,_ the Chinese government鈥檚 newspaper in Hong Kong, ran articles angrily for nurturing the movement against the party鈥檚 oppressive measures. All Hong Kong schools are now legally required to provide the CCP鈥檚 compulsory 鈥渘ational-security education.鈥� Baptist University and the Chinese University of Hong Kong, together with its important divinity school, are More-drastic educational changes are sure to follow.

As the CCP subjugates Hong Kong鈥檚 churches and their schools, no political space to object remains, even for Cardinal Joseph Zen, the territory鈥檚 towering bishop emeritus. In January, the threat of harsh National Security Law punishments was dangled over him and the churches when he was of abusing his position to 鈥渄isrupt Hong Kong鈥� with past criticisms. Church leaders in the free world are mostly quiet. An exception is Bishop Javier Herrera Corona, the Vatican鈥檚 recently transferred Hong Kong representative. Last month the respected Union of Catholic Asian News reported that those who, like Zen, were alarmed that 鈥渢he Vatican and the communist government are collaborating in appointing bishops.鈥� He was reported to have scoffed at their 鈥減sychological barrier,鈥� which he attributed to rigid thinking.

The Biden administration is rightly concerned by the imprisonment of Hong Kong鈥檚 dissidents and by the shutting of its free presses. It also must speak out against the incipient crackdown on religious freedom, among the last remnants of the territory鈥檚 鈥渙ne country, two systems鈥� model. Under Sinicization, the CCP鈥檚 inexorable exertion of control over Hong Kong鈥檚 churches is, in Reverend L鈥檚 words, 鈥渟oul-crushing.鈥�

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