04
October 2018
Past Event
Vice President Mike Pence's Remarks on the Administration's Policy Towards China

Vice President Mike Pence's Remarks on the Administration's Policy Towards China

Past Event
华体会, Washington, D.C. Headquarters
October 04, 2018
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04
October 2018
Past Event

1201 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W., Suite 400
Washington, DC 20004

Remarks delivered by President Mike Pence on the administration鈥檚 policy towards China at 华体会 on October 4, 2018:

Thank you, Ken, for that kind introduction. To the Members of the Board of Trustees, to Dr. Michael Pillsbury, to our distinguished guests, and to all of you who, true to your mission, 鈥渢hink about the future in unconventional ways鈥� 鈥� it鈥檚 an honor to be back at the 华体会.

For more than half a century, this Institute has dedicated itself to 鈥渁dvancing global security, prosperity, and freedom.鈥� And while Hudson鈥檚 hometowns have changed over the years, one thing has held constant: You have always advanced that vital truth, that American leadership lights the way.

And today, I bring greetings from a champion of American leadership, at home and abroad 鈥� the 45th President of the United States of America, President Donald Trump.

From early in this administration, President Trump has made our relationship with China and President Xi a priority. On April 6th of last year, President Trump welcomed President Xi to Mar-A-Lago. On November 8th of last year, President Trump traveled to Beijing, where China鈥檚 leader welcomed him warmly.

Over the course of the past 2 years, our President has forged a strong personal relationship with the president of the People鈥檚 Republic of China, and they鈥檝e worked closely on issues of common interest, most importantly the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula鈥�

But I come before you today because the American people deserve to know鈥� as we speak, Beijing is employing a whole-of-government approach, using political, economic, and military tools, as well as propaganda, to advance its influence and benefit its interests in the United States.

China is also applying this power in more proactive ways than ever before, to exert influence and interfere in the domestic policy and politics of our country.

Under our administration, we鈥檝e taken decisive action to respond to China with American leadership, applying the principles, and the policies, long advocated in these halls.

In the 鈥淣ational Security Strategy鈥� that President Trump released last December, he described a new era of 鈥済reat power competition.鈥� Foreign nations have begun to 鈥渞eassert their influence regionally and globally,鈥� and they are 鈥渃ontesting [America鈥檚] geopolitical advantages and trying to change the international order in their favor.鈥�

In this strategy, President Trump made clear that the United States of America has adopted a new approach to China. We seek a relationship grounded in fairness, reciprocity, and respect for sovereignty, and we have taken strong and swift action to achieve that goal.

As the President said last year on his visit to China, 鈥渨e have an opportunity to strengthen the relationship between our two countries and improve the lives of our citizens.鈥� Our vision of the future is built on the best parts of our past, when America and China reached out to one another in a spirit of openness and friendship鈥�

When our young nation went searching in the wake of the Revolutionary War for new markets for our exports, the Chinese people welcomed Americans traders laden with ginseng and fur鈥�

When China suffered through indignities and exploitation during her so-called 鈥淐entury of Humiliation,鈥� America refused to join in, and advocated the 鈥淥pen Door鈥� policy, so that we could have freer trade with China, and preserve their sovereignty鈥�

When American missionaries brought the good news to China鈥檚 shores, they were moved by the rich culture of an ancient but vibrant people, and not only did they spread faith; they also founded some of China鈥檚 first and finest universities鈥�

When the Second World War arose, we stood together as allies in the fight against imperialism鈥� And in that war鈥檚 aftermath, America ensured that China became a Charter member of the United Nations, and a great shaper of the post-war world.

But soon after it took power in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party began to pursue authoritarian expansionism. Only five years after our nations had fought together, we fought each other, on the mountains and in the valleys of the Korean Peninsula. My own father saw combat on those frontlines of freedom.

Not even the brutal Korean War could diminish our mutual desire to restore the ties that for so long bound us together. China鈥檚 estrangement from the United States ended in 1972, and soon after, we re-established diplomatic relations, began to open our economies to one another, and American universities began training a new generation of Chinese engineers, business leaders, scholars, and officials.

After the fall of the Soviet Union, we assumed that a free China was inevitable. Heady with optimism, at the turn of the 21st Century, America agreed to give Beijing open access to our economy, and bring China into the World Trade Organization.

Previous administrations made this choice in the hope that freedom in China would expand in all forms 鈥� not just economically, but politically, with a newfound respect for classical liberal principles, private property, religious freedom, and the entire family of human rights鈥� but that hope has gone unfulfilled.

The dream of freedom remains distant for the Chinese people. And while Beijing still pays lip service to 鈥渞eform and opening,鈥� Deng Xiaoping鈥檚 famous policy now rings hollow.

Over the past 17 years, China鈥檚 GDP has grown 9-fold; it has become the second-largest economy in the world. Much of this success was driven by American investment in China. And the Chinese Communist Party has also used an arsenal of policies inconsistent with free and fair trade, including tariffs, quotas, currency manipulation, forced technology transfer, intellectual property theft, and industrial subsidies doled out like candy, to name a few. These policies have built Beijing鈥檚 manufacturing base, at the expense of its competitors 鈥� especially America.

China鈥檚 actions have contributed to a trade deficit with the United States that last year ran to $375 billion 鈥� nearly half of our global trade deficit. As President Trump said just this week, 鈥渨e rebuilt China鈥� over the last 25 years.

Now, through the 鈥淢ade in China 2025鈥� plan, the Communist Party has set its sights on controlling 90% of the world鈥檚 most advanced industries, including robotics, biotechnology, and artificial intelligence. To win the commanding heights of the 21st Century economy, Beijing has directed its bureaucrats and businesses to obtain American intellectual property 鈥� the foundation of our economic leadership 鈥� by any means necessary.

Beijing now requires many American businesses to hand over their trade secrets as the cost of doing business in China. It also coordinates and sponsors the acquisition of American firms to gain ownership of their creations. Worst of all, Chinese security agencies have masterminded the wholesale theft of American technology 鈥� including cutting-edge military blueprints.

And using that stolen technology, the Chinese Communist Party is turning plowshares into swords on a massive scale鈥�

China now spends as much on its military as the rest of Asia combined, and Beijing has prioritized capabilities to erode America鈥檚 military advantages 鈥� on land, at sea, in the air, and in space. China wants nothing less than to push the United States of America from the Western Pacific and attempt to prevent us from coming to the aid of our allies.

Beijing is also using its power like never before. Chinese ships routinely patrol around the Senkaku Islands, which are administered by Japan. And while China鈥檚 leader stood in the Rose Garden of the White House in 2015 and said that his country had 鈥渘o intention to militarize the South China Sea,鈥� today, Beijing has deployed advanced anti-ship and anti-air missiles atop an archipelago of military bases constructed on artificial islands.

China鈥檚 aggression was on display this week, when a Chinese naval vessel came within 45 yards of the USS Decatur as it conducted freedom-of-navigation operations in the South China Sea, forcing our ship to quickly maneuver to avoid collision. Despite such reckless harassment, the United States Navy will continue to fly, sail and operate wherever international law allows and our national interests demand. We will not be intimidated; we will not stand down.

America had hoped that economic liberalization would bring China into greater partnership with us and with the world. Instead, China has chosen economic aggression, which has in turn emboldened its growing military.

Nor, as we hoped, has Beijing moved toward greater freedom for its people. For a time, Beijing inched toward greater liberty and respect for human rights, but in recent years, it has taken a sharp U-turn toward control and oppression.

Today, China has built an unparalleled surveillance state, and it鈥檚 growing more expansive and intrusive 鈥� often with the help of U.S. technology. The 鈥淕reat Firewall of China鈥� likewise grows higher, drastically restricting the free flow of information to the Chinese people. And by 2020, China鈥檚 rulers aim to implement an Orwellian system premised on controlling virtually every facet of human life 鈥� the so-called 鈥渟ocial credit score.鈥� In the words of that program鈥檚 official blueprint, it will 鈥渁llow the trustworthy to roam everywhere under heaven, while making it hard for the discredited to take a single step.鈥�

And when it comes to religious freedom, a new wave of persecution is crashing down on Chinese Christians, Buddhists, and Muslims鈥�

Last month, Beijing shut down one of China鈥檚 largest underground churches. Across the country, authorities are tearing down crosses, burning bibles, and imprisoning believers. And Beijing has now reached a deal with the Vatican that gives the avowedly atheist Communist Party a direct role in appointing Catholic bishops. For China鈥檚 Christians, these are desperate times.

Beijing is also cracking down on Buddhism. Over the past decade, more than 150 Tibetan Buddhist monks have lit themselves on fire to protest China鈥檚 repression of their beliefs and culture. And in Xinjiang, the Communist Party has imprisoned as many as one million Muslim Uyghurs in government camps where they endure around-the-clock brainwashing. Survivors of the camps have described their experiences as a deliberate attempt by Beijing to strangle Uyghur culture and stamp out the Muslim faith.

But as history attests, a country that oppresses its own people rarely stops there. Beijing also aims to extend its reach across the wider world. As Hudson鈥檚 own Dr. Michael Pillsbury has said, 鈥淐hina has opposed the actions and goals of the U.S. government. Indeed, China is building its own relationships with America鈥檚 allies and enemies that contradict any peaceful or productive intentions of Beijing.鈥�

China uses so-called 鈥渄ebt diplomacy鈥� to expand its influence. Today, that country is offering hundreds of billions of dollars in infrastructure loans to governments from Asia to Africa to Europe to even Latin America. Yet the terms of those loans are opaque at best, and the benefits flow overwhelmingly to Beijing.

Just ask Sri Lanka, which took on massive debt to let Chinese state companies build a port with questionable commercial value. Two years ago, that country could no longer afford its payments 鈥� so Beijing pressured Sri Lanka to deliver the new port directly into Chinese hands. It may soon become a forward military base for China鈥檚 growing blue-water navy.

Within our own hemisphere, Beijing has extended a lifeline to the corrupt and incompetent Maduro regime in Venezuela, pledging $5 billion in questionable loans that can be repaid with oil. China is also that country鈥檚 single largest creditor, saddling the Venezuelan people with more than $50 billion in debt. Beijing is also corrupting some nations鈥� politics by providing direct support to parties and candidates who promise to accommodate China鈥檚 strategic objectives鈥�

And since last year, the Chinese Communist Party has convinced three Latin American nations to sever ties with Taipei and recognize Beijing. These actions threaten the stability of the Taiwan Strait 鈥� and the United States of America condemns these actions. And while our administration will continue to respect our One China Policy, as reflected in the three joint communiques and the Taiwan Relations Act, America will always believe Taiwan鈥檚 embrace of democracy shows a better path for all the Chinese people.

These are only a few of the ways that China has sought to advance its strategic interests across the world, with growing intensity and sophistication. Yet previous administrations all but ignored China鈥檚 actions 鈥� and in many cases, they abetted them. But those days are over.

Under President Trump鈥檚 leadership, the United States of America has been defending our interests with renewed American strength鈥�

We鈥檝e been making the strongest military in the history of the world stronger still. Earlier this year, the President signed into law the largest increase in our national defense since the days of Ronald Reagan 鈥� $716 billion to extend our military dominance in every domain.

We鈥檙e modernizing our nuclear arsenal, we鈥檙e fielding and developing new cutting-edge fighters and bombers, we鈥檙e building a new generation of aircraft carriers and warships, and we鈥檙e investing as never before in our Armed Forces. This includes initiating the process to establish the United States Space Force to ensure our continued dominance in space, and authorizing increased capability in the cyber world to build deterrence against our adversaries.

And at President Trump鈥檚 direction, we鈥檙e also implementing tariffs on $250 billion in Chinese goods, with the highest tariffs specifically targeting the advanced industries that Beijing is trying to capture and control. And the President has also made clear that we鈥檒l levy even more tariffs, with the possibility of substantially more than doubling that number, unless a fair and reciprocal deal is made.

Our actions have had a major impact. China鈥檚 largest stock exchange fell by 25% in the first 9 months of this year, in large part because our administration has stood up to Beijing鈥檚 trade practices.

As President Trump has made clear, we don鈥檛 want China鈥檚 markets to suffer. In fact, we want them to thrive. But the United States wants Beijing to pursue trade policies that are free, fair, and reciprocal.

Sadly, China鈥檚 rulers have refused to take that path 鈥� so far. The American people deserve to know that, in response to the strong stand that President Trump has taken, Beijing is pursuing a comprehensive and coordinated campaign to undermine support for the President, our agenda, and our nation鈥檚 most cherished ideals.

I want to tell you today what we know about China鈥檚 actions 鈥� some of which we鈥檝e gleaned from intelligence assessments, some of which are publicly available. But all of which is fact.

As I said before, Beijing is employing a whole-of-government approach to advance its influence and benefit its interests. It鈥檚 employing this power in more proactive and coercive ways to interfere in the domestic policies and politics of the United States.

The Chinese Communist Party is rewarding or coercing American businesses, movie studios, universities, think tanks, scholars, journalists, and local, state, and federal officials.

Worst of all, China has initiated an unprecedented effort to influence American public opinion, the 2018 elections, and the environment leading into the 2020 presidential elections鈥�

To put it bluntly, President Trump鈥檚 leadership is working; and China wants a different American President.

China is meddling in America鈥檚 democracy. As President Trump said just last week, we have 鈥渇ound that China has been attempting to interfere in our upcoming 2018 [midterm] election[s].鈥�

Our intelligence community says that 鈥淐hina is targeting U.S. state and local governments and officials to exploit any divisions between federal and local levels on policy. It鈥檚 using wedge issues, like trade tariffs, to advance Beijing鈥檚 political influence.鈥�

In June, Beijing circulated a sensitive document, entitled 鈥淧ropaganda and Censorship Notice,鈥� that laid out its strategy. It states that China must 鈥渟trike accurately and carefully, splitting apart different domestic groups鈥� in the United States.

To that end, Beijing has mobilized covert actors, front groups, and propaganda outlets to shift Americans鈥� perception of Chinese policies. As a senior career member of our intelligence community recently told me, what the Russians are doing pales in comparison to what China is doing across this country.

Senior Chinese officials have also tried to influence business leaders to condemn our trade actions, leveraging their desire to maintain their operations in China. In one recent example, they threatened to deny a business license for a major U.S. corporation if it refused to speak out against our administration鈥檚 policies.

And when it comes to influencing the midterms, you need only look at Beijing鈥檚 tariffs in response to ours. They specifically targeted industries and states that would play an important role in the 2018 election. By one estimate, more than 80% of U.S. counties targeted by China voted for President Trump in 2016; now China wants to turn these voters against our administration.

And China is also directly appealing to the American voter. Last week, the Chinese government paid to have a multipage supplement inserted into the Des Moines Register 鈥� the paper of record in the home state of our Ambassador to China, and a pivotal state in 2018. The supplement, designed to look like news articles, cast our trade policies as reckless and harmful to Iowans.

Fortunately, Americans aren鈥檛 buying it. For example: American farmers are standing with this President and are seeing real results from the strong stands that he鈥檚 taken, including this week鈥檚 U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement, where we鈥檝e substantially opened North American markets to U.S. products 鈥� a great win for American farmers and manufacturers.

But China鈥檚 actions aren鈥檛 focused solely on influencing our policies and politics. Beijing is also taking steps to exploit its economic leverage, and the allure of China鈥檚 large domestic market, to advance its influence over American corporations.

Beijing now requires American joint ventures that operate in China to establish 鈥減arty organizations鈥� within their company, giving the Communist Party a voice 鈥� and perhaps a veto 鈥� in hiring and investment decisions.

Chinese authorities have also threatened U.S. companies that depict Taiwan as a distinct geographic entity, or that stray from Chinese policy on Tibet. Beijing compelled Delta Airlines to publicly apologize for not calling Taiwan a 鈥減rovince of China鈥� on its website. It also pressured Marriott to fire a U.S. employee who liked a tweet about Tibet.

Beijing routinely demands that Hollywood portray China in a strictly positive light, and it punishes studios and producers that don鈥檛. Beijing鈥檚 censors are quick to edit or outlaw movies that criticize China, even in minor ways. 鈥淲orld War Z鈥� had to cut the script鈥檚 mention of a virus originating in China. 鈥淩ed Dawn鈥� was digitally edited to make the villains North Korean, not Chinese.

Beyond business, the Chinese Communist Party is spending billions of dollars on propaganda outlets in the United States, as well as other countries.

China Radio International now broadcasts Beijing-friendly programming on over 30 U.S. outlets, many in major American cities. The China Global Television Network reaches more than 75 million Americans 鈥� and it gets its marching orders directly from its Communist Party masters. As China鈥檚 top leader put it during a visit to the network鈥檚 headquarters, 鈥淭he media run by the Party and the government are propaganda fronts and must have the Party as their surname.鈥�

That鈥檚 why, last month, the Department of Justice ordered that network to register as a foreign agent.

The Communist Party has also threatened and detained the Chinese family members of American journalists who pry too deep. And it has blocked the websites of U.S. media organizations and made it harder for our journalists to get visas. This happened after the New York Times published investigative reports about the wealth of some of China鈥檚 leaders.

But the media isn鈥檛 the only place where the Chinese Communist Party seeks to foster a culture of censorship. The same is true of academia.

Look no further than the Chinese Students and Scholars Associations, of which there are more than 150 branches across American campuses. These groups help organize social events for some of the more than 430,000 Chinese nationals studying in the United States; they also alert Chinese consulates and embassies when Chinese students, and American schools, stray from the Communist Party line.

At the University of Maryland, a Chinese student recently spoke at her graduation ceremony of what she called the 鈥渇resh air of free speech鈥� in America. The Communist Party鈥檚 official newspaper swiftly chastised her, she became the victim of a firestorm of criticism on China鈥檚 tightly-controlled social media,and her family back home was harassed. As for the university itself, its exchange program with China 鈥� one of the nation鈥檚 most extensive 鈥� suddenly turned from a flood to a trickle.

China exerts academic pressure in other ways, too. Beijing provides generous funding to universities, think tanks, and scholars, with the understanding that they will avoid ideas that the Communist Party finds dangerous or offensive. China experts in particular know that their visas will be delayed or denied if their research contradicts Beijing鈥檚 talking points.

And even scholars and groups who avoid Chinese funding are targeted by that country, as the 华体会 found out firsthand. After you offered to host a speaker Beijing didn鈥檛 like, your website suffered a major cyber-attack, originating from Shanghai. You know better than most that the Chinese Communist Party is trying to undermine academic freedom and the freedom of speech in America today.

These and other actions, taken as a whole, constitute an intensifying effort to shift American public opinion and public policy away from the America First leadership of President Donald Trump. But our message to China鈥檚 rulers is this: This President will not back down 鈥� and the American people will not be swayed. We will continue to stand strong for our security and our economy, even as we hope for improved relations with Beijing.

Our administration will continue to act decisively to protect American interests, American jobs, and American security.

As we rebuild our military, we will continue to assert American interests across the Indo-Pacific.

As we respond to China鈥檚 trade practices, we will continue to demand an economic relationship with China that is free and fair and reciprocal, demanding that Beijing break down its trade barriers, fulfill its trade obligations, and fully open its economy, just as we have opened ours.

We will continue to take action until Beijing ends the theft of American intellectual property, and stops the predatory practice of forced technology transfer鈥�

And to advance our vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific, we鈥檙e building new and stronger bonds with nations that share our values, across the region 鈥� from India to Samoa. Our relationships will flow from a spirit of respect, built on partnership, not domination.

We鈥檙e forging new trade deals, on a bilateral basis, just as last week, President Trump signed an improved trade deal with South Korea, and we will soon begin negotiating a historic bilateral free-trade deal with Japan.

And we鈥檙e streamlining international development and finance programs, giving foreign nations a just and transparent alternative to China鈥檚 debt-trap diplomacy. To that end, President Trump will sign the BUILD Act into law in the days ahead.

And next month, it will be my privilege to represent the United States in Singapore and Papua New Guinea, at ASEAN and APEC. There, we will unveil new measures and programs to support a free and open Indo-Pacific 鈥� and on behalf of the President, I will deliver the message that America鈥檚 commitment to the Indo-Pacific has never been stronger.

To protect our interests here at home, we鈥檝e strengthened CFIUS 鈥� the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States 鈥� heightening our scrutiny of Chinese investment in America, to protect our national security from Beijing鈥檚 predatory actions.

And when it comes to Beijing鈥檚 malign influence and interference in American politics and policy, we will continue to expose it, no matter the form it takes. And we will work with leaders at every level of society to defend our national interests and most cherished ideals. The American people will play the decisive role 鈥� and in fact, they already are鈥�

As we gather here, a new consensus is rising across America鈥�

More business leaders are thinking beyond the next quarter, and thinking twice before diving into the Chinese market if it means turning over their intellectual property or abetting Beijing鈥檚 oppression. But more must follow suit. For example, Google should immediately end development of the 鈥淒ragonfly鈥� app that will strengthen Communist Party censorship and compromise the privacy of Chinese customers鈥�

More journalists are reporting the truth without fear or favor, and digging deep to find where China is interfering in our society, and why 鈥� and we hope that more American, and global, news organizations will join in this effort.

More scholars are speaking out forcefully and defending academic freedom, and more universities and think tanks are mustering the courage to turn away Beijing鈥檚 easy money, recognizing that every dollar comes with a corresponding demand. We鈥檙e confident that more will join their ranks.

And across the nation, the American people are growing in vigilance, with a newfound appreciation for our administration鈥檚 actions to re-set America鈥檚 economic and strategic relationship with China, to finally put America First.

And under President Trump鈥檚 leadership, America will stay the course. China should know that the American people and their elected representatives in both parties are resolved.

As our National Security Strategy states: 鈥淐ompetition does not always mean hostility.鈥� As President Trump has made clear, we want a constructive relationship with Beijing, where our prosperity and security grow together, not apart. While Beijing has been moving further away from this vision, China鈥檚 rulers can still change course, and return to the spirit of 鈥渞eform and opening鈥� and greater freedom. The American people want nothing more; the Chinese people deserve nothing less.

The great Chinese story-teller Lu Xun often lamented that his country 鈥渉as either looked down at foreigners as brutes, or up to them as saints, but never as equals.鈥� Today, America is reaching out our hand to China; we hope that Beijing will soon reach back 鈥� with deeds, not words, and with renewed respect for America. But we will not relent until our relationship with China is grounded in fairness, reciprocity, and respect for sovereignty.

There is an ancient Chinese proverb that tells us that 鈥渕en see only the present, but heaven sees the future.鈥� As we go forward, let us pursue a future of peace and prosperity with resolve and faith鈥�

Faith in President Trump鈥檚 leadership, and the relationship that he has forged with China鈥檚 president鈥�

Faith in the enduring friendship between the American people and the Chinese people鈥�

Faith that heaven sees the future 鈥� and by God鈥檚 grace, America and China will meet that future together.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

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